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This article forges a link between support for European integration and adoption of tobacco advertisement restrictions in Swiss cantons. Leaning on the policy diffusion literature, this article argues that the more voters support ...
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This article forges a link between support for European integration and adoption of tobacco advertisement restrictions in Swiss cantons. Leaning on the policy diffusion literature, this article argues that the more voters support deeper European integration, the more likely cantonal governments are to restrict tobacco advertising. Policymakers use voters' support for more European integration as a signal that they support regulatory policies that are strongly associated with the European Union (EU) in the political and media debate, such as tobacco advertisement bans. This effect ought to be especially strong in the absence of adverse economic interests, such as the presence of the tobacco industry. To buttress these claims, the present article uses statistical analysis, specifically event-history analysis. Apart from the insights about Swiss tobacco control policy, this article contributes to our understanding of indirect EU influence on cantonal policymaking and policy diffusion.
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This article examines the position of US and European business in the debate about American direct investment in Western Europe in a historical perspective, from the establishment of the Common Market to the introduction of US reg...
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This article examines the position of US and European business in the debate about American direct investment in Western Europe in a historical perspective, from the establishment of the Common Market to the introduction of US regulation of foreign direct investment (FDI) a decade later. Based on abundant and diverse archival documents, it sheds new light on the process of Americanisation and contributes to existing research on transnational networks, by revealing the active role industrial leaders on both sides of the Atlantic played in shaping the political responses to problems raised by the American firms' massive presence in the Common Market.
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This paper discusses the possibility to go beyond the critique of carbon markets by offering an alternative, democratic, model for allocating greenhouse gas emissions rights, rather than one based on the ability to pay. Taking sto...
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This paper discusses the possibility to go beyond the critique of carbon markets by offering an alternative, democratic, model for allocating greenhouse gas emissions rights, rather than one based on the ability to pay. Taking stock of the substantial critique that have been made of markets for allocating such rights, it seeks to offer a non-market based, yet realist, mechanism. This non-market mechanism is grounded in the literature on democratic economic planning as applied to environmental questions. It delineates the proposition for a Climate Protection Agency through which competing interests and visions could be represented - and transformed - in the process of allocating limited rights. This alternative model is offered in the spirit of "real utopias". Discussions of the desirability, viability, and achievability of the model are made by way of comparison with a similar - but actually existing - model, namely the distribution of land-use rights in Switzerland.
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This study investigates whether work opportunities have an impact on stress and the related turnover intentions of employees working in intergovernmental international organizations (IOs). It contextualizes the job resources and d...
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This study investigates whether work opportunities have an impact on stress and the related turnover intentions of employees working in intergovernmental international organizations (IOs). It contextualizes the job resources and demands model within IOs' specific work conditions. The empirical test is based on original data from a survey administered in four major organizations of the United Nations system. Results demonstrate that social work opportunities and work-life balance are organizational levers reducing stress and willingness to quit for employees who are facing red tape or the stresses of being an expatriate. In this context, the relationships between these work opportunities and turnover intention are partially mediated by stress. Contextualized HR management propositions are made to help organizations coping with these management challenges.
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In the context of the global financial crisis, remittances have become linked to the global financial inclusion agenda in a phenomenon called the 'financialization of remittances' (FOR). This article conceptualizes the FOR as adis...
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In the context of the global financial crisis, remittances have become linked to the global financial inclusion agenda in a phenomenon called the 'financialization of remittances' (FOR). This article conceptualizes the FOR as adispositifto analyze how heterogeneous ways of linking remittances to finance form an ensemble that governs things and people and legitimizes particular policy interventions. We combine the concept of thedispositifwith insights from the literature on emotions to analyze how the FOR governs through an emotional regime to constitute particular objects and subjects-such as the 'remittance market' and the 'remittance family'. Through this emotional regime, the FOR establishes particular narratives regarding migration, remittances, and transnational families to embed remittances in the global financial architecture; and normalizes practices of turning transnational families into financial customers and entrepreneurs, and entrenching financial logics into their lives. Yet, emotions are also mobilized to subvert and resist the FOR and its emotional regime. More broadly, our analysis suggests that analyzing emotional governance is crucial to better understand financialization processes and expose their (fragile) nature and limits.
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The concept of environmental innovation strategies (EIS) is introduced and discussed. The notion refers to the conduct by which non-governmental organisations (NGOs) act as policy entrepreneurs seeking to address environmental iss...
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The concept of environmental innovation strategies (EIS) is introduced and discussed. The notion refers to the conduct by which non-governmental organisations (NGOs) act as policy entrepreneurs seeking to address environmental issues by going beyond the provisions of public regulations. Environmental innovation is understood as the product of a process of social interactions between heterogeneous types of actors, including NGOs. Three social mechanisms are introduced in order to capture the conditions enabling and motivating NGOs to pursue EIS, as well as the politics through which EIS are produced. These mechanisms are then discussed in the light of two in-depth case studies in Indonesia and Switzerland. The findings highlight the institutional frustration and mix of concerns that push NGOs to engage in EIS, as well as the non-spontaneous nature of environmental innovations. Innovation represents, in the end, a game of power that should be analysed as such.
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Dealing with uncertainty has become a matter of great concern for policy makers and scientific research in a world facing global, epochal and complex changes. But in essence, you cannot entirely predict the future. This article ai...
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Dealing with uncertainty has become a matter of great concern for policy makers and scientific research in a world facing global, epochal and complex changes. But in essence, you cannot entirely predict the future. This article aims at conceptualizing the limits to anticipate the future - or what is often referred as the substitution of risk for uncertainty. In contrast to most theories examining risk and uncertainty, we start from the assumption that there are limits in the substitution of risk for uncertainty and that distinguishing between ontological and epistemic levels of analysis helps clarify such limits. The paper makes two arguments: first, most approaches see no ontological and/or epistemic limit in the substitution of risk for uncertainty; second, the pluralization of science is the only way to cope with limits in substituting risk for uncertainty. This second argument draws on the assumption that accounting for the uncertainty of the future depends on knowledge production processes able to overcome disciplinary boundaries and better include lay and expert knowledge. In times of great concerns regarding mitigation and adaptation to the ecological crisis, we illustrate our arguments with insights from global environmental governance.
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Since 2007, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has debated the security implications of climate change on several occasions. This article addresses these debates by exploring two interrelated questions: What drives the con...
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Since 2007, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has debated the security implications of climate change on several occasions. This article addresses these debates by exploring two interrelated questions: What drives the continuous efforts to place climate change on the UNSC's agenda and to what extent do the UNSC's debates illustrate an ongoing process of climatization? To answer these, the article draws on the concept of climatization, which captures the process through which domains of international politics are framed through a climate lens and transformed as a result of this translation. It suggests that climate change has become a dominant framing and an inescapable topic of international relations and that the UNSC debates follow a logic of expansion of climate politics by securing a steady climate agenda, attributing responsibility to the Council in the climate crisis, involving climate actors and advocating for climate-oriented policies to maintain international security.
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During the last two decades, scholars have pointed to a process of "denationalization," or the delegation of competencies away from the center of the nation-state-upward, downward, and sideward. At the same time, scholars have obs...
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During the last two decades, scholars have pointed to a process of "denationalization," or the delegation of competencies away from the center of the nation-state-upward, downward, and sideward. At the same time, scholars have observed a transformation of the central state aimed at strengthening its steering capacity by means of integrating sectoral public policies and coordinating administrative units. Little systematic comparative evidence is available regarding this second phenomenon and its relationship with denationalization. The authors contribute to this line of research by presenting a comparative analysis of cross-sectoral reforms concerning public policies and public sector organizations, covering four policy fields in 13 countries, from 1980 to 2014. Using descriptive statistics and Bayesian change point estimation, this article shows that policy integration and administrative coordination reforms configure a powerful trend, which displays considerable variation across time, policy fields, and countries.
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The rise of right-wing populist parties has been widely discussed across the social sciences during the last decade. Taking a social representational approach, we analyse organising principles and anchoring of right-wing populist ...
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The rise of right-wing populist parties has been widely discussed across the social sciences during the last decade. Taking a social representational approach, we analyse organising principles and anchoring of right-wing populist thinking across four European countries (France, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom). Using European Social Survey data (Round 7), we compare political attitudes and self-appraisals of citizens identifying with right-wing populist, conservative right-wing, and traditional left-wing parties. The findings converge across the four countries to show that right-wing populist identifiers diverge from both left- and right-wing identifiers on vertical (between the "people" and the "elite") and horizontal (between nationals and immigrants) dimensions of differentiation. Depending on the context, right-wing populist identification was fuelled by material and physical insecurity, low political efficacy, and distrust of fellow citizens. We conclude that right-wing populism requires multiple strategies of differentiation within and between groups to justify and sustain itself.
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